Under the term “services” （ ） together miscellaneous activities with little in common except other than agriculture, extractive industries, utilities and manufacturing.
A.lump B.to lump C.is lumped D.are lumped
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（ ）an increase in anti-Semitic rhetoric and religious discrimination in Latin America, the Pan American Development Foundation and the U.S. Department of State launched a “Believe in Tolerance” project in spring 2014.
A.According to B.Contrary to C.In response to D.In addition to -
To begin to （ ） the pollution causing climate change, cities around the world need to be made more efficient, adopting measures ranging from reducing the energy costs of sanitation to constructing buildings that waste less energy.
A.mitigate B.migrate C.magnify D.militate -
t="" so="" bad.="" festinger="" argued="" that="" these="" cases="" of="" attitude="" following="" behavior="" illustrate="" the="" effects="" cognitive="" dissonance.="" dissonance="" refers="" to="" any="" incompatibility="" an="" individual="" might="" perceive="" between="" two="" or="" more="" attitudes="" and="" attitudes.="" form="" inconsistency="" is="" uncomfortable="" individuals="" will="" attempt="" reduce="" and,="" hence,="" discomfort.="" they="" seek="" a="" stable="" state,="" in="" which="" there="" minimum="" dissonance.Research has generally concluded that people seek consistency among their attitudes and between their attitudes and their behavior. They do this by altering either the attitudes or the behavior or by developing a rationalization for the discrepancy. Tobacco executives provide an example. How you might wonder do these people cope with the ongoing barrage of data linking cigarette smoking and negative health outcomes? They can deny that any clear causation between smoking and cancer, for instance, has been established. They can brainwash themselves by continually articulating the benefits of tobacco. They can acknowledge the negative consequences of smoking, but rationalize that people are going to smoke and that tobacco companies merely promote freedom of choice. They can accept the research evidence and begin actively working to make less dangerous cigarettes or at least reduce their availability to more vulnerable groups, such as teenagers. Or they can quit their job because the dissonance is too great. No individual, of course, can completely avoid dissonance. You know that cheating on your income tax is wrong, but you “fudge” the numbers a bit every year and hope you’re not audited. Or you tell your children to floss their teeth every day, but you don’t. So how do people cope? Festinger would propose that the desire to reduce dissonance depends on the importance of the elements creating it and the degree of influence the individual believes he has over the elements; individuals will be more motivated to reduce dissonance when the attitudes or behavior are important or when they believe that the dissonance is due to something they can control. A third factor is the rewards of dissonance; high rewards accompanying high dissonance tend to reduce the tension inherent in the dissonance because they allow us to easily rationalize it.1.The purpose of mentioning the TV programs people watch in the first paragraph is to show （ ）.2.Which of the following cases can illustrate “dissonance”？3.People seek consistency among their attitudes and between their attitudes and their behavior by doing many things EXCEPT by （ ）.4.The author wants to tell us （ ）by giving the example of tobacco executives.5.Which of the following statements is TRUE according to the last paragraph?'>
Early research on attitudes assumed that they were casually related to behavior; that is, the attitudes people hold determine what they do. Common sense, too, suggests a relationship. Isn’t it logical that people watch television programs they like, or that employees try to avoid assignments they find distasteful? However, in the late 1960s, this assumed effect of attitudes on behavior was challenged by a review of the research. One researcher—Leon Festinger—argued that attitudes follow behavior. Did you ever notice how people change what they say. so it doesn’t contradict what they do? Perhaps a friend of yours has consistently argued that the quality of US cars isn’t up to that of imports and that he’d never own anything but a Japanese or German car. But his dad gives him a late-model Ford Mustang, and suddenly US cars aren't so bad. Festinger argued that these cases of attitude following behavior illustrate the effects of cognitive dissonance. Cognitive dissonance refers to any incompatibility an individual might perceive between two or more attitudes or between behavior and attitudes. Festinger argued that any form of inconsistency is uncomfortable and that individuals will attempt to reduce the dissonance and, hence, t
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Max Weber proposed a complex approach to inequality which expressly takes account of non-economic dimensions of ranking and inequality. Against Marx, Weber maintains that the operation of power in societies is yet more fundamental than their economic basis. Power（1）the capacity of individuals or groups to realize their will even （2） the opposition of others. This yields three categories fundamental to the analysis of inequality: class, status and party. Inequality may be located in economically defined（3）but could also be founded in status groups and political parties. In this elaboration he sought to refine the measurement of inequality and to show the potential singularity of his criteria （4） their connectedness. For example, power is often linked to class-based wealth but it can be separated in situations （5） power is linked to knowledge. Status refers to style of life. It also refers to social esteem, the respect and admiration （6） a person according to his or her social position and this can be local （7）structural and take account of interpersonal subjectivities. Marx’s stress on structural relationships and on the duplicitous nature of culture tends to be replaced by a view of classes as ranked hierarchies of fixed groupings（8）individuals may be mobile. While the categories are fixed and classes are bounded, individuals may, （9）, change their class position. （10）, Weber’s discussion emphasizes how both class and status distinction can affect people’s life chances, that is, the chances that an individual has to share in the economic and cultural goods of a society. Material and cultural goods are often （11）distributed and class and status rankings will ensure that people will have（12）access to these goods. These features of Weber’s thought are important to （13）when considering non-class based systems of（14 ）. The opening up of the relationship between inequality, meaning and manifestation allows for the consideration of systems of inequality other than class. There are ranked societies where there is unequal access to positions of status and prestige and these are not necessarily linked to （15）. An example is found in those traditional African societies where the chiefs did not live at a （16 ）standard of living than their subjects and where economies were redistributive, （17）, the chief received tribute which he then（18） his followers as a mark of his status and largesse. The position of many European noble families is a contemporary example of ranked society: access to （19） a title is limited, usually to family members, and many of these titled families are （20） wealthy and have no power by virtue of their nobility in their societies.
A.has defined to B.is defined to C.is defined as D.defines as
问题2：
A.from the face of B.in the face of C.on the face of D.to the face of
问题3：
A.societies B.categories C.dimensions D.classes
问题4：
A.as well as B.besides C.except D.except for
问题5：
A.that B.which C.why D.where
问题6：
A.accorded B.accords C.is accorded to D.to accord
问题7：
A.rather to B.rather than C.no other than D.other than
问题8：
A.where B.through which C.in which D.to which
问题9：
A.more or less B.any the less C.none the less D.no less
问题10：
A.However B.Nevertheless C.Furthermore D.But
问题11：
A.symmetrically B.asymmetrically C.fairly D.unfairly
问题12：
A.differential B.similar C.the same D.unequal
问题13：
A.bear them to mind B.bear them in mind C.bear to mind D.bear in mind
问题14：
A.hierarchy B.ranking C.singularity D.inequality
问题15：
A.economic wealth B.cultural goods C.status distinctions D.class rankings
问题16：
A.high B.higher C.low D.lower
问题17：
A.for example B.such as C.that is D.what’s more
问题18：
A.gave to B.gave it to C.gave back to D.gave it back
问题19：
A.claim B.ask C.inherit D.assume
问题20：
A.more B.much more C.less D.no longer -
s="" marvelous="" eloquence;="" the="" greater="" part="" of="" his="" working="" life="" was="" spent="" in="" comparative="" obscurity="" london,="" at="" writing-desk="" and="" reading-room="" british="" museum.="" he="" little="" known="" to="" general="" public,="" while="" towards="" end="" became="" recognized="" admired="" leader="" a="" powerful="" international="" movement,="" nothing="" or="" character="" stirred="" imagination="" evoked="" boundless="" devotion,="" intense,="" almost="" religion,="" worship,="" with="" which="" such="" men="" as="" kossuth,="" mazzini,="" even="" lassalle="" last="" years,="" were="" regarded="" by="" their="" followers.His public appearances were neither frequent nor notably successful. On the few occasions on which he addressed banquets or public meetings, his speeches were overloaded with matter, and delivered with a combination of monotonousness and brusqueness, which commanded the respect but not the enthusiasm of his audience. He was by temperament a theorist and an intellectual, and instinctively avoided direct contact with the masses, to the study of whose interests his entire life was devoted. To many of his followers he appeared in the role of a dogmatic and sententious German schoolmaster, prepared to repeat his theses indefinitely, with rising sharpness, until their essence became irremovably lodged in his disciples' minds. The greater part of his economic teaching was given its first expression in lectures to working men: his exposition under these circumstances was by all accounts a model of lucidity and conciseness. But he wrote slowly and painfully, as sometimes happens with rapid and fertile thinkers, scarcely able to cope with the speed of their own ideas, impatient at once to communicate a new doctrine, and to forestall every possible objection; the published versions were generally turgid, clumsy, and obscure in detail, although the central doctrine is never in serious doubt. He was acutely copious of this and once compared himself with the hero of Balzac's Unknown Masterpiece, who tries to paint the picture which has formed itself in his mind, touches and retouches the canvas endlessly, to produce at last a shapeless mass of colors, which to his eye seems to express the vision in his imagination. He belonged to a generation which cultivated the emotions more intently and deliberately than its predecessors, and was brought up among men to whom ideas were often more real than facts, and personal relations meant far more than the events of the external world; by whom indeed public life was commonly understood and interpreted in terms of the rich and elaborate world of their own private experience.'>
No thinker in the nineteenth century has had so direct, deliberate and powerful an influence upon mankind as Karl Marx. Both during his lifetime and after it he has exercised an intellectual and moral ascendancy over his followers, the strength of which was unique even in that golden age of democratic nationalism, an age which saw the rise of great popular heroes and martyrs，romantic, almost legendary figures, whose lives and words dominated the imagination of the masses and created a new revolutionary tradition in Europe. Yet Marx could not, at any time, be called a popular figure in the ordinary sense: certainly he was in no sense a popular writer or orator. He wrote extensively, but his works were not, during his lifetime, read widely; and when, in the late eighteen seventies, they began to reach the immense public which several among them afterwards obtained, the desire to read them was due not so much to a recognition of their intrinsic qualities as to the growth of the fame and notoriety of the movement with which he was identified.Marx totally lacked the qualities of a great popular leader or agitator, was not a publicist of genius like the Russian democrat Alexander Helen, nor did he possess Bakunin's marvelous eloquence; the greater part of his working life was spent in comparative obscurity in London, at his writing-desk and in the reading-room of