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t="" so="" bad.="" festinger="" argued="" that="" these="" cases="" of="" attitude="" following="" behavior="" illustrate="" the="" effects="" cognitive="" dissonance.="" dissonance="" refers="" to="" any="" incompatibility="" an="" individual="" might="" perceive="" between="" two="" or="" more="" attitudes="" and="" attitudes.="" form="" inconsistency="" is="" uncomfortable="" individuals="" will="" attempt="" reduce="" and,="" hence,="" discomfort.="" they="" seek="" a="" stable="" state,="" in="" which="" there="" minimum="" dissonance.Research has generally concluded that people seek consistency among their attitudes and between their attitudes and their behavior. They do this by altering either the attitudes or the behavior or by developing a rationalization for the discrepancy. Tobacco executives provide an example. How you might wonder do these people cope with the ongoing barrage of data linking cigarette smoking and negative health outcomes? They can deny that any clear causation between smoking and cancer, for instance, has been established. They can brainwash themselves by continually articulating the benefits of tobacco. They can acknowledge the negative consequences of smoking, but rationalize that people are going to smoke and that tobacco companies merely promote freedom of choice. They can accept the research evidence and begin actively working to make less dangerous cigarettes or at least reduce their availability to more vulnerable groups, such as teenagers. Or they can quit their job because the dissonance is too great. No individual, of course, can completely avoid dissonance. You know that cheating on your income tax is wrong, but you “fudge” the numbers a bit every year and hope you’re not audited. Or you tell your children to floss their teeth every day, but you don’t. So how do people cope? Festinger would propose that the desire to reduce dissonance depends on the importance of the elements creating it and the degree of influence the individual believes he has over the elements; individuals will be more motivated to reduce dissonance when the attitudes or behavior are important or when they believe that the dissonance is due to something they can control. A third factor is the rewards of dissonance; high rewards accompanying high dissonance tend to reduce the tension inherent in the dissonance because they allow us to easily rationalize it.1.The purpose of mentioning the TV programs people watch in the first paragraph is to show ( ).2.Which of the following cases can illustrate “dissonance”?3.People seek consistency among their attitudes and between their attitudes and their behavior by doing many things EXCEPT by ( ).4.The author wants to tell us ( )by giving the example of tobacco executives.5.Which of the following statements is TRUE according to the last paragraph?'>

Early research on attitudes assumed that they were casually related to behavior; that is, the attitudes people hold determine what they do. Common sense, too, suggests a relationship. Isn’t it logical that people watch television programs they like, or that employees try to avoid assignments they find distasteful? However, in the late 1960s, this assumed effect of attitudes on behavior was challenged by a review of the research. One researcher—Leon Festinger—argued that attitudes follow behavior. Did you ever notice how people change what they say. so it doesn’t contradict what they do? Perhaps a friend of yours has consistently argued that the quality of US cars isn’t up to that of imports and that he’d never own anything but a Japanese or German car. But his dad gives him a late-model Ford Mustang, and suddenly US cars aren't so bad. Festinger argued that these cases of attitude following behavior illustrate the effects of cognitive dissonance. Cognitive dissonance refers to any incompatibility an individual might perceive between two or more attitudes or between behavior and attitudes. Festinger argued that any form of inconsistency is uncomfortable and that individuals will attempt to reduce the dissonance and, hence, t

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  • s="" through="" the="" early="" 1890's.="" meat-packers,="" author="" argues,="" had="" good="" wages,="" working="" conditions,="" and="" prospects="" for="" advancement="" within="" packinghouses,="" d not="" cooperate="" with="" labor="" agitators="" since="" relations="" were="" so="" harmonious.="" because="" history="" maintains="" that="" conditions="" above="" standard="" era,="" frequency="" of="" disputes,="" especially="" in="" mid-1880's,="" is="" accounted="" for.="" work="" ignores="" fact="" 1880's="" crucial="" years="" american="" history,="" packinghouse="" workers'="" effects="" part="" national="" movement="" reform.In fact, other historical sources for the late nineteenth century record deteriorating housing and high disease and infant mortality rates in the industrial community, due to low wages and unhealthy working conditions. Additional data from the University of Chicago suggest that the packinghouses were dangerous places to work. The government investigation commissioned by President Theodore Roosevelt which eventually led to the adoption of the 1906 Meat Inspection Act found the packinghouses unsanitary, while social workers observed that most of the workers were poorly paid and overworked.The history may be too optimistic because most of its data date from the 1880's at the latest, and the information provided from that decade is insufficiently analyzed. Conditions actually declined in the 1880's, and continued to decline after the 1880's, due to a reorganization of the packing process and a massive influx of unskilled workers. The deterioration in worker status, partly a result of the new availability of unskilled and hence cheap labor, is not discussed. Though a detailed account of work in the packing-houses is attempted, the author fails to distinguish between the wages and conditions for skilled workers and for those unskilled laborers who comprised the majority of the industry’s workers from the 1880's on. While conditions for the former were arguably tolerable due to the strategic importance of skilled workers in the complicated slaughtering, cutting, and packing process (though worker complaints about the rate and conditions of work were frequent), pay and conditions for the latter were wretched.The author’s misinterpretation of the origins of the feelings the meat-packers had for their industrial neighborhood may account for the history's faulty generalizations. The pride and contentment the author remarks upon were, arguably, fess the products of the industrial world of the packers-the giant yards and the intricate plants---than of the unity and vibrancy of the ethnic cultures that formed a viable communit3r on Chicago’s South Side. Indeed, the strength of this community succeeded in generating a social movement that effectively confronted the problems of the industry that provided its livelihood.

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  • s="" marvelous="" eloquence;="" the="" greater="" part="" of="" his="" working="" life="" was="" spent="" in="" comparative="" obscurity="" london,="" at="" writing-desk="" and="" reading-room="" british="" museum.="" he="" little="" known="" to="" general="" public,="" while="" towards="" end="" became="" recognized="" admired="" leader="" a="" powerful="" international="" movement,="" nothing="" or="" character="" stirred="" imagination="" evoked="" boundless="" devotion,="" intense,="" almost="" religion,="" worship,="" with="" which="" such="" men="" as="" kossuth,="" mazzini,="" even="" lassalle="" last="" years,="" were="" regarded="" by="" their="" followers.His public appearances were neither frequent nor notably successful. On the few occasions on which he addressed banquets or public meetings, his speeches were overloaded with matter, and delivered with a combination of monotonousness and brusqueness, which commanded the respect but not the enthusiasm of his audience. He was by temperament a theorist and an intellectual, and instinctively avoided direct contact with the masses, to the study of whose interests his entire life was devoted. To many of his followers he appeared in the role of a dogmatic and sententious German schoolmaster, prepared to repeat his theses indefinitely, with rising sharpness, until their essence became irremovably lodged in his disciples' minds. The greater part of his economic teaching was given its first expression in lectures to working men: his exposition under these circumstances was by all accounts a model of lucidity and conciseness. But he wrote slowly and painfully, as sometimes happens with rapid and fertile thinkers, scarcely able to cope with the speed of their own ideas, impatient at once to communicate a new doctrine, and to forestall every possible objection; the published versions were generally turgid, clumsy, and obscure in detail, although the central doctrine is never in serious doubt. He was acutely copious of this and once compared himself with the hero of Balzac's Unknown Masterpiece, who tries to paint the picture which has formed itself in his mind, touches and retouches the canvas endlessly, to produce at last a shapeless mass of colors, which to his eye seems to express the vision in his imagination. He belonged to a generation which cultivated the emotions more intently and deliberately than its predecessors, and was brought up among men to whom ideas were often more real than facts, and personal relations meant far more than the events of the external world; by whom indeed public life was commonly understood and interpreted in terms of the rich and elaborate world of their own private experience.'>

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