以下是美俄首脑关于核裁军问题谈判的材料：材料1俄罗斯总统普京在美俄首脑会晤前略施小计，使使美国总统克林顿在美国导弹防御计划问题上陷于尴尬境地。在今天与克林顿举行会晤之前，普京提出了一项新的、颇具吸引力的遏制“无赖”国家的计划。这项计划对反对华盛顿目前的核防御计划的人来说具有重要意义。这项计划显示，普京向美国提出的挑战将比他的前任叶利钦提出的挑战更复杂、更令人生畏。普京的新建议既大胆，又有创造性。他在接受美国全国广播公司记者的采访时表示，那些国家的导弹一发射便应立即将它们击落，而不是在它们落地前对其进行拦截。他说，这将帮助保卫所有国家，包括欧洲和俄罗斯。普京说：“我们必须对付新出现的威胁，但是我们建议大家一起来回击它们。”普京指出，新的威胁来自那些只拥有远程地基导弹的国家，对付它们的最好办法是在导弹发射时。“它们没有核潜艇，没有可以携带核武器的飞机，所以我们可以把这些保护伞置于潜在的威胁地区上空。”普京说：“我们可以用这一保护伞来联合保卫整个欧洲。我们在技术上和政治上能够做到。我们希望向克林顿总统提出这些建议，并同他讨论这个问题。”美国的反应是审慎的。但是，俄罗斯的建议与华盛顿正在制订的那个复杂(许多人认为不可行)计划大相径庭。美国希望俄罗斯同意修改1972年反弹道导弹条约，以便美国的导弹防御计划能够得以实施。普京在这一点上暗示了某种灵活性。他说：“我们认为那是这个领域的一个重要的基础协议。我们认为……考虑到各方的利益和世界在不断变化，我们可以在这个领域共同努力，在不破坏反弹道导弹条约的情况下找到解决问题的办法。”普京使人看到了回旋余地，提出了具有创造性的建议，并对欧洲普遍关心的问题表示关注，从而表现出了高超的技巧。许多欧洲人将把他的态度与美国越来越僵硬和傲慢的态度加以比较。美国《独立报》2000年6月4日文章《普京的导弹计划智胜美国》材料2克林顿和普京通过首次正式首脑会谈，在进一步的核裁军问题上，出现了“总论上赞成、具体问题上依然对立”的结果。这是因为，美国参议院否决全面禁止核试验条约、单方面要求修改反弹道导弹条约、推进国家导弹防御系统计划等美国方面的一连串行动，加深了俄罗斯方面对美国的不信任感。这突出表明，虽然美俄推进核裁军具有非常重大的意义，但是克林顿政府并没有主导这一进程的力量。关于国家导弹防御系统问题，美国的欧洲盟国也不断提出异议，认为“美国只考虑自己的做法将招致军备竞赛”。在国内，共和党威胁说“不允许轻易妥协”，束缚住了克林顿政府的手脚。可以说，对克林顿总统来说，在首脑会谈中，除了形成“总论”上的协议以外别无选择。美国把朝鲜民主主义人民共和国(北朝鲜)等的导弹威胁作为建立国家导弹防御系统的根据，但显而易见的是、被美国称为“伙伴”的俄罗斯和中国才是国家导弹防御系统的潜在防御对象。克林顿总统在访俄前举行的美欧首脑会谈中指出：“说国家导弹防御系统不会给其他国家带来好处是不合逻辑的。”结果，这让俄罗斯钻了空子，普京总结说：“如果这样的话，那就让美俄欧共同对抗新的威胁吧。”《日本经济新闻》2000年6月5日文章《美国未能掌握裁军主导权》材料3[美联社莫斯科6月4日电]美俄就部署导弹屏障存在的分歧既反映出冷战时期对发生毁灭性核攻击的忧虑，也表明双方对当今世界的不同看法。在此间举行的首脑会晤中，俄罗斯总统普京在克林顿总统以下观点上同他进一步接近了：克林顿认为，北朝鲜、伊朗，可能还有其它一些敌对国家正在构成新的核威胁。但是普京对禁止部署国家导弹防御系统——1972年尼克松和勃列日涅夫当政期间，通过谈判签署的条约的部分内容的态度很坚决。而克林顿说，他希望通过对其修改，至少使部署有限的导弹防御系统合法化，以挽救这项具有里程碑意义的条约。在此次首脑会晤上，克林顿成功地说服普京在如下声明上签了字：“国际社会正在受到危险的，越来越严重的大规模杀伤性武器及其运载工具扩散的威胁”。普京在记者招待会上答记者问时说，新的威胁可能已经形成。但是，这位俄罗斯领导人在提到1972年签署的那项条约以及克林顿试图修改它时说：“我们反对实施一项比疾病本身更糟糕的治疗方案。”材料4美俄在这次首脑会谈中，围绕修改限制反弹道导弹条约等问题上没有消除分歧。在建立美国国家导弹防御系统问题上；不仅俄罗斯和中国反对，连德国的施罗德总理也唱反调，对俄罗斯来说，这是一股东风。《日本经济新闻》2000年6月5日文章《普京将展开外交攻势，出访欧洲和中国》请回答：(1)克林顿与普京，在进一步的核裁军问题的会谈上，为什么会出现材料2中所说的“总论上赞成、具体问题上仍然对立”的结果。(2)结合材料1—3，评析材料3中提到的，“我们反对实施一项比疾病本身更糟糕的治疗方案。”(3)根据材料1—4，说明美国建立国家导弹防御系统的企图遭到了世界上越来越多的国家的反对。

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